MOVE: Untangling the Tragedy | The Aftermath

Description: In the wake of the May 13th bombing, the City of Philadelphia holds a series of hearings to determine how an attempted arrest caused such profound destruction. We speak to former Mayor Wilson Goode on his own role on that day. MOVE continues to make headlines with allegations of child abuse within the organization, and people are still arguing over the identity of the youngest victims’ remains, some of which Penn Museum only recently acknowledged it still possessed. Mike Africa Jr., the new head of MOVE and Pam Africa, tells us where MOVE is today: a fractured group that still pushes its message.

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[Music]

Voiceover: MOVE: Untangling the Tragedy is a production of Temple University Klein College’s Logan Center for Urban Investigative Reporting and The Philadelphia Inquirer.

Voiceover: Hey! Rowhome Productions.

Linn Washington: Content warning, this series contains descriptions of abuse, police brutality, trauma, and foul language.

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Linn Washington, narrating: 40 years after the Philadelphia police dropped a bomb on the MOVE rowhome, killing 11 people, five of them children, and destroying a middle-class Black neighborhood, I’m still trying to figure out how the hell this happened. Honestly, it makes no damn sense. Osage Avenue was a burnt shell. Two hundred and fifty people were left homeless.

Tyree Johnson: There was a Great Depression, really. A sadness.

Linn, narrating: This is Tyree Johnson, my friend and MOVE’s neighbor. He says the whole community struggled.

Tyree: The whole thing, you know, that was-that they would be blamed or they took the blame. It was just a lot of melancholy. You could feel it, you know, from them.

Linn, narrating: Displaced neighbors were living with family who could take them, or a nearby church turned shelter, motels, Temple University dorms, really anywhere they could find a bed.

Virginia Sanders: We need all the help we can. Cause we would like to be relocated, temporarily. As soon as possible.

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Linn, narrating: They had lost everything. Gone were the family photos, precious jewelry, mementos, clothing, furniture, everything. These homeowners could not believe the new nightmare they were thrust into.

Tyree: They knew it was going to be some kind of confrontation, but they didn’t know it was gonna be at that level.

Linn, narrating: Pine Street neighbor and retired journalist, Tyree Johnson.

Tyree: They didn’t know that, you know, they were gonna drop a bomb and they didn’t know that, you know, they were gonna let it burn.

Linn, narrating: But in the immediate aftermath of the bombing, Philadelphians overwhelmingly thought police had done the right thing against MOVE. Local polls showed that three in five Philadelphians agreed with the police action, and two out of three Black Philadelphians did.

Ed Riley: There is a feeling that-that the MOVE organization was a very dangerous organization in the city, and I think that people are coming behind their elected officials and the city action and supporting it today.

Linn, narrating: Ramona Africa, the only adult in the MOVE home to survive, was charged with riot and conspiracy. She was sentenced to seven years in prison. The remaining MOVE members relocated to another home in Kingsessing, where they laid low, and mourned.

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For me, after spending over 21 hours on Osage Avenue on May 13th, 1985, hearing thousands of bullets fired at a home, having to crawl underneath a car to protect my life from stray bullets, watching tons of water fired at the MOVE home, tear gas shot into a home I knew children were in, watching a police helicopter take off and bomb an occupied home, then watching the fire burn and burn and burn, destroying and killing, I was left dazed, drained, confused and enraged. Why did this happen? How could this madness happen? The search for these answers has been my life’s work and my life’s heartache…

Linn, narrating: I’m Linn Washington. I’m an investigative reporter and a journalism professor at Temple University’s Klein College of Media and Communication. I have covered MOVE for 50 years. And this is MOVE: Untangling the Tragedy, a podcast about double standards of justice, a so-called out of control cult, police brutality, and the inequity that underlined it all.

This is Episode Six: The Aftermath

Linn, narrating: The Philadelphia City Council declined to investigate how this happened. District Attorney Ed Rendell refused to convene a grand jury. Racism, they said, was not an issue because the mayor was Black, the city’s first Black mayor. The Philadelphia chapter of the Fratental Order of Police called the MOVE members death “a suicide.”

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But Mayor Wilson Goode wanted an investigation. He wanted to know what happened. So one week after the bombing, Mayor Goode appointed a commission to do just that. The commission’s hearings began on Oct. 8, 1985. They took place in the auditorium of public broadcasting station WHYY. The public was invited to attend

Dave Davies: Good morning and welcome again to WHYY’s live coverage of the public hearings of the Philadelphia Special Investigation Commission, the 11 member panel that Philadelphia Mayor Wilson Goode appointed to look into the tragic events of May 13th…

Carl Singley: You got an independent body of people to come in and investigate what is essentially government wrongdoing. And that was the approach we took.

Linn, narrating: This is Carl Singley, the attorney who served as special counsel to the MOVE commission.

Singley: We had all the money we needed to spend. To the mayor’s credit, there were no restrictions on what we could look at and what we could examine.

Linn, narrating: They were tasked, to be blunt, with figuring this mess out. To find the truth and assign blame. And at first, things seemed promising. Ninety-two witnesses were called to testify, in over five weeks of televised public hearings.

Singley: We sort of take this stuff for granted now, given the social media and the internet and cellphones. But back in 1985 and ‘86, the idea that you could tune in and see in real time the examination of the and the horrific event that led to the death of Black people and the destruction of homes and innocent Black people being displaced. To hear the MOVE members testify, to hear the neighbors testify.

Carrie Foskey: We were reaching a breaking point. We had had a neighbor attacked, bitten on his face, his groin, his back over a parking space.

LaVerne Sims: MOVE members are not terrorists, nor criminals. They are life feeling people who have a God given right to adhere to and practice their religion, the law of God rather than man.

Linn, narrating: On the 2nd week of the proceedings, the commission called Police Commissioner Gregore Sambor.

Gregore Sambor: It remains a fact that if MOVE members had simply come out of the building, they would be alive today. Property damage would have been minimal and we would not now be gathered. But they announced that morning that they would never surrender and that they would kill as many of us as they could.

Carl Singly, archival tape: What was the response of the MOVE organization to your request when you read the arrest warrant that they vacate the premises?

Sambor: That they would not surrender.

Singley: Can you tell us what else they said?

Sambor: Yes, sir. They said that they would kill us, that they would kill us all.

Singley: And what else did they say?

Sambor: They said that–that all of our wives would be widows.

Singley: And what else did they say about your wives?

Sambor: They said that our wives would be sleeping with other men before the end of the day.

Singley: Did they describe other kind of men?

Sambor: Yes, sir.

Singley: Would you tell us?

Sambor: They said that they-our wives would be sleeping with-with Black men before the end of the day.

Singley: Do you think that that confrontation had racial overtones at all?

Sambor: Do I think that it had racial overtones?

Singley: Yes.

Sambor: From-they say-stated that our wives would be sleeping with Black men. And yes, sir, that signified a racial connotation.

Linn, narrating: There were so many inconsistencies with city officials’ testimony that on the last day of the 18 day hearing, the commission decided to have them all testify

Charles Bowser: After the bomb was dropped and the decision was made to let the bunker burn, OK? At that point, were you aware of the amount of Class A materials on the roof of 6221?

William Richmond: Yes, sir. I was aware there was an amount of combustibles.

Linn, narrating: Here’s Fire Commissioner, William Richmond.

Richmond: To let the bunker burn, a sequence in my mind was to when the bunker is gone and hopefully the-the MOVE members, adult and children would exit that house.

Linn, narrating: City Managing Director, Leo Brooks.

Leo Brooks: It has been great fear, even to the point of some hysteria in this city about that entire organization. And if an organization can create that atmosphere, power not used is greater than power ever used. So I say that’s terrorism.

Linn, narrating: Mayor Wilson Goode.

Wilson Goode: First of all, I would, knowing what I know now and I want to just indicate that because I don’t think that any mayor in the history of this country has gone through a dramatic event of the kind that I’ve gone through. Knowing what I know now, I certainly would be a more hands-on kind of person.

Unidentified: Murder! Murder! Murder! Murder!

Linn, narrating: An audience member shouted, “Murder!”

Unidentified: Murder! Murder!

It was riveting TV, and the city was glued to it.

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The hearings ended in November of 1985. In March of 1986, the commission issued their findings. Chairman William Brown III described an inept team of city officials, who frankly did not seem to know what they were doing.

William Brown III: Over and above that, at the scene itself, I think decisions were made which were made hurriedly, which were made hastily, which were made without giving consideration to other alternatives.

Linn, narrating: He said the firepower was excessive and unconscionable. Death and the destruction of a middle-class neighborhood because police struggled to arrest four people made no sense.

Brown: This type of an event, namely the firing of 10,000 rounds of ammunition into a home containing six children, the throwing of explosives and-and a great deal of explosives into a home containing 13 persons. The fact that you would drop a bomb on a rowhouse in a residential area.

Linn, narrating: Chairman Brown even acknowledged the role race played on what happened on Osage Avenue.

Brown: The fact that you would make a determination to allow that fire to burn and to use the fire as a tactical weapon would not have happened in a comparable white neighborhood.

Linn, narrating: But he stopped short of calling it racism.

Brown: Now, I don’t view that as being racist. I think what happened is that the people who had to make the decision just didn’t take into consideration and were not sensitive enough to the fact that these indeed were human beings in that house when they made the judgment to unleash the amount of firepower and explosive power against that home.

Linn, narrating: And the commission assigned blame.

Brown: Clearly, the individuals who decided to allow the fire to burn are responsible. Perhaps to some extent, and I don’t know, some of the adult members of MOVE themselves may be responsible. I don’t believe that the mayor is responsible for the deaths in that sense because he was not at the scene. He had given the order to put the fire out. And it was the decision of the Police Commissioner and the Fire Commissioner to allow the fire to burn, to be used as a tactical weapon, which is the thing that led to the ultimate deaths of the-of the children.

Linn, narrating: But this statement, along with a written report, was it. In the end, the commission was toothless. They had no power.

Maida Odom: The hearings were cathartic. They were extremely thorough. But then they didn’t come out with any indictments.

Linn, narrating: This is former Philadelphia Inquirer reporter, Maida Odom.

Maida: That’s one of the things that’s striking about this. All this happened in plain sight, OK? Everybody knew everything that happened. Everybody knew there were children in that house. Everybody knew that they let the fire burn. They even talked in the hearings about what type of explosives were used. The federal government provided the explosives that were dropped from a state helicopter on a city building. So everybody’s hands were in it.

Linn, narrating: The commission recommended a grand jury investigation. But that ended in no criminal charges.

Singley: Yeah, I would have prosecuted.

Linn, narrating: This is Carl Singley, the special counsel to the MOVE commission.

Singley: Even if I lost to a jury because of nullification, because the message should have been sent to people, not just in Philadelphia, but people in authority, because you understand that ending for MOVE was merely an example of police abuse of Black people in this-in Philadelphia, historically. And Frank Rizzo coming to power, disregarding the importance and the value of the lives of Black people. So somebody needed to send a message that even policemen are not immune. So yeah, I would have prosecuted them.

Linn, narrating: In 1996, Ramona Africa and MOVE family members sued the city of Philadelphia, to try once again to hold someone responsible for the bombing. The city settled to avoid going to court. MOVE was awarded a $1.5 million settlement. That’s a little less than $140,000 per life lost.

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Wilson Goode: I’m W. Wilson Goode Sr., former mayor of Philadelphia, the 95th mayor, and the first African-American mayor of Philadelphia.

Linn, narrating: My producer Yvonne and I decided we need to speak to Mayor Wilson Goode, who was essentially M.I.A. while the 1985 MOVE confrontation was going on. He is 86 now, and served two terms as mayor. He was re-elected after the bombing. There’s even a Philly street named after him.

Mayor Goode has apologized for what happened on the day of the bombing and even later supported getting members of the MOVE Nine out of prison. But the question on everyone’s mind…

Linn: Why were you not there?

Goode: I was told by the Managing Director, and that came from the police commission and some other people, who gave information to the Managing Director, that there was a bullet with my name on if I showed up anywhere in that site. And they-and they implied that-that I needed to be concerned not only about the MOVE people, I needed to be concerned about police officers’ bullets going in the wrong direction.

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Linn, narrating: And he blamed former mayor Frank Rizzo, who was planning a third run for mayor.

Goode: And I felt that in a sense, there may have been a linkage between the police department and Frank Rizzo and his desire to run for mayor again. I feel that, even some of the decision made on that day, May 13th, was an attempt to tarnish me by police officers.

Yvonne Latty: To pave the way for Rizzo to get back in?

Goode: Yes.

Linn: Were you at all made aware of what the operational plan was from the police department?

Goode: I sat in a room with the Police Commissioner and said, “I do not want any shooting. Those are my instructions. I do not want any shooting. I don’t want any harm to come innocent people who in that house. If you’re going to make the arrest, make the arrest, and if you can’t make it, then you have to wait till another day to do it. But don’t put in danger people who are in the house.”

Yvonne: So they didn’t listen to you, essentially?

Goode: No.

Yvonne: What are your thoughts on that?

Linn, narrating: This is my producer, Yvonne.

Goode: My thought on that, bluntly, is that I was the first African-American mayor and I do not believe that any of them were accustomed to taking direct orders from a Black man.

Linn: You were not aware of the decision to drop a bomb?

Goode: Absolutely not. I can tell you what I was told. I was told that there’s going to be some explosive used, and that we’re going to use a helicopter and what I thought he meant to deliver the–explosive to the site. But no one ever said to me that we’re going to drop explosive on the house where the residents were. No. I never would have approved of that. Never would have even winked at that. I never–I would have said, “No, no, you can’t do that,” is what I would have said.

Linn, narrating: This statement directly contradicts the MOVE commission’s findings and the grand jury report. Both concluded that Goode was told that the plan was to drop explosives on the MOVE home. Witnesses testified that they heard Brooks share the details, but Goode said Brooks never told him all the elements of the plan.

Linn: Were you at all watching this unfold on television?

Goode: I was.

Linn: And-well, as a result of that, what was your reaction when you actually saw the bombing and the fire?

Goode: I was totally shocked. I said, “This is outrageous.” I said, “They can’t do that.” I was probably the most shocked person in this city when I saw a helicopter fly over the house and drop these bombs, what it amounted to, on the house. I was probably as shocked–more shocked than anyone else because I figured that if anyone should have known that, I should have known then. That I should have known that they were going to drop these devices on the house and endanger the lives of men, women, and children inside the houses.

Linn: So neither the Managing Director, who was your on-site operational person, and the Police Commissioner, neither of them told you beforehand that they were actually going to drop a bomb on 6221?

Goode: Absolutely not. Absolutely not. And if they had said that to me, I would have said, “Don’t do that.”

Linn: What were they calling it? I mean, they weren’t calling it a bomb, did they–give you any indication that they were going to use an entry device? You said they were talking about explosives.

Goode: They were talking about-all I heard was explosives. We talked about beforehand going into the basement of the house and using some explosives, a small type, to put holes in the walls in order to put tear gas through the walls in order to force the people out of their houses.

Linn: Were you told that the Police Commissioner intended to use the fire as a tactical weapon? That’s what he indicated that he-why he allowed the fire to burn.

Goode: Um...I’ve never heard of such insane thing in my life.

Yvonne: Why do you think they wanted to let the fire burn? Like, where do you think that came from?

Goode: I think that they wanted to drive the people out of the house, the people who were in the house, out of the house. I think that’s where it came from.

Yvonne: But what about the neighbors?

Goode: I don’t think that they were thinking straight. I don’t-I don’t think there’s anything that happened in that process that was, I could say, was something that I ever would have approved. If they said to me, “Well, here’s what we’re gonna do now. We’re gonna take a device and we’re gonna drop it on the roof of the house. And then what we’re going to do is that we’re gonna let the fire burn so that we can drive the people out.” I would, I mean, that’s an insane, that’s just-that’s an insane thing to think about doing.

Linn, narrating: Goode regrets not being there.

Goode: I absolutely should have been there. I should have gone. I should have been there on the scene and I believe if I was on the scene, in the house, in a place where I could observe things better and where I was the decision maker, not the Managing Director and not the Police Commissioner, that a different result would have taken place.

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Linn, narrating: Meanwhile life for the Osage Avenue, Pine Street and Addison Street neighbors has never been the same. After the bombing and fire, their homes were poorly rebuilt within a year by an unqualified contractor who was later imprisoned for stealing $130,000 of construction funds.

Unidentified: They built them back so fast and so unconcerned about quality. They only wanted to do-is make them look good on the outside.

Unidentified: We’ve had three roofs replaced already. And then some of us still having leaks.

Linn, narrating: The neighbors spent over a decade fighting for repairs, but the city eventually deemed the homes unsalvageable. The city offered them $150,000 buyouts plus $25,000 in moving expenses.

Rose Tibayan: Half the homeowners here took the city’s $150,000 buyout, plus $25,000 in moving expenses. The other half decided they couldn’t afford to accept.

Linn, narrating: A once-thriving family neighborhood turned into a shell of boarded up homes. Thirty-six homes were vacant. The abandoned homes became magnets for crime and changed the block dramatically. But after decades of disappointment, in 2016 the city hired a new set of private developers to rehab the homes.

Cherri Gregg: Hardwood floors, coarse countertops and stainless steel appliances are just the beginning of the transformation on Pine and Osage Avenue.

Esther Hubbard: I think it’s beautiful. I think they really did a perfect, good job.

Linn, narrating: A recent for sale listing on Osage Avenue was for $389,000. But longtime Pine Street resident and retired journalist Tyree Johnson says it’s not the same

Tyree Johnson: The neighborhood has changed completely. The new houses-nobody in that-those new houses have a kid that’s under five years old, except for one.

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Linn, narrating: After the 1985 bombing, the city had used a crane and a backhoe on the rubble of 6221 Osage Avenue. The remains of MOVE members inside were carelessly comingled with each other and with the dozens of animals in the home. And MOVE children did not have dental or medical records, so when it became time to identify their remains and return them to their families, it was nearly impossible. The entire process was a mixed-up, muddled mess. Some remains wound up at the University of Pennsylvania museum for identification. Forty years later, the Penn Museum only recently acknowledged that some of those remains were still in their possession.

MOVE has continued to exist in various forms in Philadelphia through the years. The group had long been accused of mistreating children. Back in the early 80’s, Osage Avenue neighbors said they witnessed MOVE kids dressed in rags, not going to school, malnourished, and so hungry they were eating out trash cans, and many people faulted MOVE for not removing the children from the home on Osage Avenue while it was being violently attacked by police in 1985. But in 2021, a blog was published called “Leaving MOVE,” and a podcast, Murder at Ryan’s Run, revealed even more pain.

About a half a dozen former MOVE members allege as children they were paired up or quote “married” and having babies as young as 13. They were just matched up by the adults, whether they liked it or not. And when those now-adult children started to voice their anger, MOVE’s senior leadership did not respond.

Mike Africa Jr.: I mean, these are serious allegations of abuse and harm and manipulation, and you don’t have anything to say about it?

Linn, narrating: This is Mike Africa Jr. His parents were part of the MOVE Nine and he was raised in MOVE.

Mike: And it wasn’t just one child, it was all of us. And no comment? You just gonna skirt around it like-you not even gonna say we lying. You just gonna-just act like it didn’t happen.

Linn, narrating: Mike now leads a separate faction of MOVE, an attempted revival of a gentler version of the group.

Mike: Well MOVE is a organization. It’s a nonprofit organization. And I own it.

Linn, narrating: He calls himself the evolution of MOVE. He is the face you see in press conferences, books and in documentaries speaking on behalf of the organization. He says nothing will shake his faith in the teachings of John Africa.

Mike: I still love John Africa’s teachings, I still love MOVE, and they blame MOVE as a whole for what happened. But I know it ain’t that cut and dry. You know, you can’t blame the Catholic Church for what the priest in Minnesota did–that-that was him.

Linn, narrating: Mike Africa Jr. wants to put a memorial museum at 6221 Osage Avenue to honor the people who were lost in the fire. But when 5th and 6th grade students at the Jubilee School, a private elementary school in West Philadelphia, banded together to get a historic marker commemorating the lives lost, the older residents of Osage Avenue didn’t want it. The marker was instead placed on Cobbs Creek Parkway. But Mike says he wants the neighbors to feel comfortable, that MOVE’s message is more refined.

Mike: I think that we learned a lot about the proper way to deal with people. You don’t have to beat people over the head with your message just because you believe it so strongly and they don’t.

[Music]

Linn, narrating: Longtime MOVE member Pam Africa is also still, as she says, “100 percent active in MOVE.” She is close to Mike Africa Jr., and shows up at his events and keeps up with what she says are MOVE’s causes.

Pam Africa: I can never leave this movement, this fight for life and all, that’s instilled with me. Because we’re still fighting for life. We’re still fighting for political prisoners. And I think as long as we’re doing that, we’re still doing MOVE work.

Janine Africa: We’re teaching, we’re trying to inform as many people as possible about this system and hoping that people will be influenced and help to fight for what’s right, fight to get strong, fight to protect their families like MOVE was doing.

Linn, narrating: Janine Africa joined MOVE in 1973. It was her son, baby Life, who was allegedly killed by a police officer in 1976.

Janine: I am one of the MOVE Nine who spent 41 years in prison for a crime I did not commit, and I am Minister of Education for the MOVE organization.

Linn, narrating: Janine’s son Phil was killed in the MOVE bombing. She lives with the faction of MOVE that includes John Africa’s widow, Alberta Africa, and other veteran MOVE members.

Janine: We hoping to see a change, a change where people want to protect the environment. I’ve seen that change. That is the vision of John Africa, for everybody to come together and fight to protect this world and each other.

Linn, narrating: In 2020, the Philadelphia City Council issued a formal apology for the MOVE bombing. Mayor Wilson Goode says no matter what he does or did he is forever linked to MOVE.

Linn: Looking back on this, we’re now 40 years out. What do you see as lessons learned from this? And what should we be focusing on?

Goode: I think we should be focused on building stronger and better neighborhoods. I think that we should be focused on police and fire department who are better trained to do what they should be doing and-and that all working towards a goal and saying this should never happen again anywhere in the country, and that we are to have a model that says here’s how it should not happen again. That we should not do that type of thing in order to solve a problem. That you cannot go out and drop a device on a house, which result in killing people as a way to solve a problem that you’re trying to solve.

And the innocent people, many people who were in the house were not people that were wanted by police. You have to keep working, to live and erase that scar that is out there and that it’s not going to be easy, because there are people who want to keep that scar there.

[Music]

Linn, narrating: For me, I just can’t rip that scar away. It has consumed my work, my journalism, my head, and my heart. It’s been 50 years since I was that cub reporter assigned to cover MOVE because no one else wanted to.

Now, 40 years after May 13th, 1985, my disappointment about that deadly day has deepened. I’m disappointed that the deaths of five children were dismissed as acceptable collateral damage. I’m disappointed that the lives of 250 people were decimated–again dismissed as regrettable collateral damage.

But I no longer wonder what caused all of this. It’s the inequity this city and this country was built on. That’s what made John Africa’s message such a welcome reprieve for MOVE recruits in the 1970’s. It is what allowed the city to sit idly while middle-class Black neighbors were subjected to years of MOVE’s abuse on Osage Avenue. It’s what led police to think it was OK to barrage a house full of Black children with bullets, and eventually a bomb. And it’s what allowed officials to let a once-thriving Black neighborhood burn.

[Explosion]

Linn Washington: MOVE: Untangling the Tragedy is a production of Temple University Klein College’s Logan Center for Urban Investigative Reporting and The Philadelphia Inquirer.

Linn Washington is Producer and Host.

Our Executive Producer, Field Producer, and Script Writer is Yvonne Latty, the Director of The Logan Center.

The Podcast Editor is Audrey Quinn.

Our Inquirer Editor is Daniel Rubin, the Senior Editor for Investigations.

Sound design, scoring, mixing, and mastering by Rowhome Productions.

Rowhome’s Creative Director is Alex Lewis. John Myers is Rowhome’s Executive Producer.

Our Associate Producer, Tape Assembly, and Lead Researcher is Natalie Reitz.

Associate Producer, Allison Beck.

Original Music by Royce Hearn.

Our Data Editor is Colin Evans.

Our Podcast Art is by Layla Jenkins.

Production Assistant, Nicole Barbarito.

We used the MOVE archives of Temple University Libraries’ Special Collections Research Center.

Thanks to Josue Hurtado and John Pettit of the Center for their support facilitating our endless requests.

This episode used sound from WHYY, KYW, and WPVI.

Funding support comes from The Jonathan Logan Family Foundation, The Lenfest Institute for Journalism, Temple University’s Humanities and Arts Award, Temple’s Klein College of Media and Communication, and The Philadelphia Inquirer.

Special thanks to the Dean of Klein College, David Boardman.

We are also grateful to Matt Curtius of Temple’s Tyler School of Art and Design and Jack Klotz of Klein College’s Media and Production Department and Audio & Live Entertainment Major.

Go to sinomn.com to check out archival stories on MOVE and more. Subscribe, download, review and share.

I’m Linn Washington. Thanks for listening.

Voiceover: Rowhome Productions.